Washington and Karimov's commonality of purpose, combined with Uzbekistan's own capabilities, means that the government is not merely a willing subject of the U.S. war on terrorism, but an enthusiastic proxy. Tashkent has no problem with the U.S. military using Uzbek bases to launch attacks on al Qaeda forces outside of the country; Khanabad has proven essential to U.S. operations in Afghanistan.
In fact, Tashkent will be more than happy to contribute its own forces to compliment U.S. cross-border actions. Uzbek forces decisively intervened in the recent Tajik civil war and regularly pursue retreating IMU forces into neighboring Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.
In fact, Tashkent will be more than happy to contribute its own forces to compliment U.S. cross-border actions. Uzbek forces decisively intervened in the recent Tajik civil war and regularly pursue retreating IMU forces into neighboring Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.
The IMU's goal is to overthrow the Karimov regime and establish an Islamic state in the Ferghana Valley, where Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan's borders mix. About nine million people live in the valley, which, in addition to containing most of ex-Soviet Central Asia's arable land, is also a hotbed of extremist activity.
Using the region's rather schizophrenic miasma of borders to their advantage, the IMU has found it relatively easy to hopscotch throughout the Ferghana region, jumping international borders to evade pursuers at will. The valley's inhabitants -- people cut off from religion during the Soviet era, mired in poverty due to Karimov's mismanagement and a shattered Soviet-era economy and smothered in political repression since the dawn of time -- are ripe for recruitment.
